Demand for Champagne in recent years Essay Example for Free

Demand for Champagne in recent years Essay The rise in demand for champagne recently can be set down to certain factors. The six determinants that will have affected the rise in demand for champagne over the last few years include: Rise in income, rise in the price of substitutes, fall in price of complements, change in tastes (in favour of champagne), increase in population and an increase in price expected. This can be broken down. Firstly, a rise in income means that people in general will have more available spending money, which can then be allocated to champagne (usually a normal good). If it is indeed a normal good, the usual rules will apply where an increase in Y (income) will mean an increase in demand. The second factor to consider is a rise in the price of substitutes. When champagne is considered, substitutes such as wine or perhaps whisky must be taken into account. If wine is not selling well, or perhaps it is a very good year for selling and the prices are allowed to rise, there will be a lower demand for wine. This drop in demand for wine will mean more available income that can possibly be spent on champagne, therefore a rise in demand for it. A fall in the price of substitutes would also increase the demand for champagne. When something is purchased and another product is necessary (or merely a want) to go hand-in-hand with it, income is needed for both. In the case of champagne, glasses are a complement. If the price of glasses falls, the money that would have been spent on the glasses can therefore be used instead for more champagne. A change in tastes can also affect the demand for champagne. If over the past few years people feel that champagne is a very prestigious drink to have with celebrations and more and more people start purchasing it, the demand for it will rise. An increase in population creates quite a simple example: more people, more consumption. The more people there are the more possible consumers to spend money on champagne. Finally, the price expected can create a rise in demand. If, for example, prices were expected to rise over the next few years, consumers in general would usually purchase champagne now as it is a good that keeps for a long time and would be a much more rational thing to do to purchase it at a cheaper price now than for a dearer price later (for the same good. )

The Things They Carried :: essays research papers

In Tim O'Brien's 'The Things They Carried'; detailed description and realism were used to capture the audience and draw them into the actual events in the story, allowing them to feel the burden of emotional and physical weight on the characters, who were fighting to preserve their sanity and lives. The vivid detail and realistic narration were only tools used by the author to prepare a story that goes beyond the war in Vietnam, focusing on the other things that soldiers carried - inner thoughts, feelings, and emotions.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The story was brought to life by the realistic but disjointed narration of the author, illustrated by returning to the death of Ted Lavender throughout the story. Someone who had actually experienced similar events could only write the story with such detail. The repetitive narration describing the accumulation of things they carried eventually had meaning. This was the way their lives had become, step by step, ounce by ounce. The repetition reached a climax when the author revealed the heaviest of all the things they carried, 'They carried all the emotional baggage of men who might die'; (paragraph 77).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The main characters in the story were First Lieutenant Jimmy Cross and Martha, a college student who wrote to him. The story flowed from beginning to end, characterizing the changes in Jimmy Cross as he dealt with his emotions as well as the responsibility to the men in his platoon. In the beginning of the story he was depic ted as a Jones 2 boyish leader with dreams of Martha being his escape from the senseless reality of the war. When one of his men was killed he accepted the responsibility and guilt, which changed him into the leader he thought he should have been – forgetting Martha and protecting his men. This plot linked together all the actions and events that happened in the story.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Tim O'Brien used third-person point of view to tell the story. The omniscient angle of vision enabled him to reveal the thoughts and actions of all the characters. He graphically illustrated this when describing the 'freedom birds'; they dreamed about, taking them away while on guard at night (paragraph 81). There were many similar examples throughout the story.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The main idea of the story was well defined by literary critic Joanne McCarthy when she wrote, 'Pranksters must become killers, dreamers must become realists – or someone dies'; (McCarthy par.

The study of children and childhood

Why In A Society That Prides Itself On It ‘s Democratic Values Should The Suggestion Of Children ‘s Engagement Be So Contraversial?IntroductionUntil late geographers have paid light attending to the survey of kids and childhood ( James, 1990 ; Sibley, 1991 ; Philo, 1992 and Winchester, 1991 ) . Where surveies had been carried out, most were concerned with kids as future grownups and attending focused on their emerging accomplishments and cognitive development. Rarely were kids studied for what they are, as active societal agents in their ain right, with their ain lives, demands and desires ( Corsaro, 1997 ) . With the ‘cultural bend ‘ , kids have been ( rhenium ) positioned on the geographical docket ( Aitken, 1994 ; Valentine, 1996a and Valentine, 1996b ) . One ground is that consideration of other low-level groups in society ( for illustration, adult females, minorities, the disabled ) has drawn attending to the ways in which society is constructed around so cietal and spacial premises. Constructivist and interpretative positions of this sort have led to a acknowledgment that kids as a group are amongst the least powerful within western societies ( James et al. , 1998 ) and yet, their experiences within topographic point and infinite have non been consistently examined. In effect, there has been a rush of involvement in the mundane geographicss of kids ( Aitken, 1998 ; Matthews, 1995 ; Matthews and Limb, 1998 ; Matthews and Limb, in imperativeness ; Matthews et al. , 1998 ; Sibley, 1995 ; Skelton and Valentine, 1997 ; Valentine, 1997a and Valentine, 1997b ) and vigorous averment for ‘childhood infinite ‘ to be recognised as an of import dimension in societal and cultural theory ( James and Prout, 1992 and James et al. , 1998 ) . Unlike other marginalised groups, nevertheless, kids are non in a place within most western societies to come in into a duologue ( with grownups ) about their environmental concerns and geographical demands. In this sense, kids occupy a particular place of exclusion. Their ability to dispute the conventions of dominant political orientation from within, together with the patterns and procedures which lead to their socio-spatial marginalization, is largely beyond their appreciation. Children as ‘outsiders ‘ demand Alliess and geographics with its concern with the political relations and power of infinite and spatial property ( Painter and Philo, 1995 ) is good positioned in this regard. Just as feminist geographers have developed their surveies to turn to issues of adult females ‘s representation and engagement in socio-spatial decision-making, so geographers analyzing kids need to construct upon their surveies to take on the issue of kids ‘s rights. We contend that the argument about kids ‘s engagement ( or deficiency of engagement ) in society and public policy devising is cardinal to an apprehension of the modern-day geographics of kids and childhood. In the remainder of this assignment we develop these thoughts, within a cross-cultural model. The right to state about affairs associating to the quality of life is a basic human right ( Archard, 1993 ) . Although this cardinal rule of citizenship and of the democratic ethos was embedded in the United Nations ‘ Universal Declaration of Human Rights ( 1948 ) , it was non until the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child ( UNCRC ) in 1989 that kids ‘s right to take part in society was steadfastly established. Alongside Articles on proviso, protection and attention, the UNCRC sets out a figure of duties on the rights of engagement by immature people. Of primary importance are the undermentioned Articles:The Children Participation ControversyEngagement implies processes of engagement, shared duty and active battle in determinations which affect the quality of life. For the UNCRC engagement provides a mechanism for non merely safeguarding the ‘best involvements of the kid ‘ ( Article 3 ) , but besides for guaranting that kids ‘s positions and sentiments are given regard. However, whilst at that place has been broad acclamation and support within the UK for two other major rights of childhood identified by the UNCRC, that is, the rights to protection and proviso, there is less consensus about the impression of engagement. In malice of a turning anteroom in favor of kids ‘s rights to take part, there remains an intransigency in some quarters about whether such political engagement is appropriate. Lansdown identifies three grounds why some grownups are loath for kids to take portion in decision-making that will impact on their ain life and the lives of others ( Lansdown 1995, p. 20 ) . First, giving kids the right to state threatens the harmoniousness and stableness of household life by naming into inquiry parents ‘ ‘natural ‘ authorization to make up one's mind what is in the best involvements of a kid. Yet, as Qvortrup et al. , ( 1994 ) suggest, to prolong such an statement, it must be beyond sensible uncertainty that grownups behave with kids ‘s best involvements in head. In pattern, this is non ever the instance. Second enforcing duties on kids detracts from their right to childhood, a period in life which is supposed to be characterised by freedom from concern. Such a position ignores the fact that many kids ‘s lives are full of legitimate concerns which are merchandises of the same societal and economic forces that affect grownups. A 3rd strand to the statement is that kids can non hold rights until they are capable of taking duty. This position is based on an idealized position of childhood, yet few kids live without duties. Alanen ( 1994 ) points out that kids ‘s labor and responsibilities within the place are underestimated, whilst the world of school work and its associated duties are rendered unseeable by the label ‘education ‘ . A 2nd, though related, statement against kids ‘s engagement is based on a strong belief that kids are incapable of sensible and rational decision-making, an incompetency confounded by their deficiency of experience and a likeliness that they will do errors. Furthermore, if kids are left to the freedom of their ain inabilities the consequences are likely to be harmful ( Scarre, 1989 ) . Franklin and Franklin ( 1996 ) pull attending to a scope of libertarian unfavorable judgments of these two point of views. As a starting point, kids are invariably doing rational determinations impacting many parts of their day-to-day lives ( some trivial, some less so ) without which their lives would hold small significance, order or intent. In add-on, grownups are frequently non good decision-makers and history bears this out. Indeed, this observation provides an inducement to let kids to do determinations so that they may larn from their errors and so develop good decision-making accomplishme nts. More radically, it has been argued that the chance of doing errors should non suspend engagement, as such an premise ‘confuses the right to make something with making the right thing ‘ ( Franklin and Franklin 1996, p. 101 ) . Critics besides draw attending to the bing allotment of rights harmonizing to age, which is flawed by flightiness and incompatibility. For illustration, within the UK a immature individual is deemed reprehensively responsible at the age of 10, sexually competent at the age of 16, but non politically responsible until the age of 18, when all of a sudden, without preparation or dry run, immature people enjoy the right to suffrage. Last, by denying rights of engagement to everyone under the age of 18 assumes a homogeneousness of emotional and rational demands, accomplishments and competencies. Furthermore, we contend that both places are imbued with an adultist premise that kids are non societal histrions in their ain right, but are adults-in-wait ing or human becomings. Minimizing kids in this manner non merely fails to admit that kids are the citizens of today ( non tomorrow ) , but besides undervalues their true potency within society and obfuscates many issues which challenge and threaten kids in their ‘here and now ‘ ( Matthews and Limb, in imperativeness ) .Engagement And Representation Of Children Within The UKIn this subdivision we review immature people ‘s engagement and representation within the UK, separating between engagement at the national and local degree. At the national degree, a figure of political observers draw attending to a turning neutrality by immature people in all affairs political ( Bynner and Ashford, 1994 ; Furlong and Cartmel, 1997 and Furnham and Stacey, 1991 ) . A deficiency of political consciousness, political apathy and low degrees of political engagement are claimed as platitude. A recent societal attitudes study ( Wilkinson and Mulgan, 1995 ) showed that 45 % of under 25 s did non vote in the 1992 election compared to 31 % in 1987 and merely 6 % of 15-34 twelvemonth olds describe themselves as ‘very interested in political relations ‘ . It would look that an full coevals is choosing out of political relations ( Barnardo ‘s, 1996 ) . Yet there is ample grounds to propose that if immature people are given more duties and more opportunity to take part in the running of society, so they will be more willing to prosecute in the procedures of democracy ( Hodgkin and Newell, 1996 ) . For illustration, in individual issue administrations where immature people are encouraged to take portion, rank statistics confirm a turning engagement rate. Amnesty International ‘s youth subdivision increased from 1300 in 1988 to 15,000 in 1995 ; Greenpeace ‘s young person rank rose from 80,000 in 1987 to 420,000 in 1995 ; and Friends of the Earth describe a growing of 125,000 new immature members over the same period ( British Youth Council, 1996 ) . Hodgkin and Newell ( 1996 ) strongly assert: â€Å"Our society is in some danger of infantilising kids, of presuming an incapacity long past the day of the month when they are more capable. It is a affair of common sense, and the natural good pattern of many parents populating with kids and many professionals working with kids, to listen to kids and to promote them to take duty for determinations wherever possible. The results are normally better and, even if things go incorrect, larning from errors is an indispensable portion of development† ( p. 38 ) . Indeed, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, the international organic structure which was set-up to supervise the execution of the Convention, expressed concern in its meeting in January 1995 about the deficiency of advancement made by the UK Government in following with its rules and criterions. In peculiar, attending was drawn to the inadequacy of steps associating to the operationalisation of Article 12. It recommended that: â€Å"greater precedence be given to†¦ Article 12, refering the kid ‘s right to do their positions known and to hold those positions given due weight, in the legislative and administrative steps and in policies undertaken to implement the rights of the kid. ..†and went on to propose that: â€Å"the State party see the possibility of set uping farther mechanisms to ease the engagement of kids in determinations impacting them, including within the household and the community..† ( United Nations, 1995, p. 15 ) . The instance for immature people ‘s closer representation and engagement in political procedures, particularly at a national degree has been taken up by a figure of runing administrations. First moves pre-date the UNCRC, when, in 1975, the National Council for Civil Liberties ( now Liberty ) proposed a Children ‘s Rights Commissioner to move as a national advocator for kids, but the proposal did non progress beyond the parliamentary commission phase ( Rodgers, 1979 ) . Recently, the purpose of set uping a national Commissioner has gained renewed drift. Critical to this impulse was the publication of Taking Children Seriously: A proposal for a Children ‘s Rights Commissioner ( Rosenbaum and Newell, 1991 ) . In this elaborate survey the writers make a forceful instance for reform. They suggest that it is kids ‘s exposure to mistreatment, the deficiency of co-ordination across authorities sections in proviso for kids, kids ‘s complete deficiency of politica l rights, and the demand to guarantee long-run authorities conformity with the UNCRC which make the instance for setting-up the office of Commissioner so necessary ( Franklin and Franklin, 1996 ) . Among the Commissioner ‘s functions would be the remit to affect immature people every bit closely as possible in decision-making at assorted degrees. This would affect the administration of local and national forums for immature people ; the constitution of consultative groups to see policy and pattern ; and the widescale electioneering of immature people for their positions and sentiments. As a effect of this publication the run for a statutory, independent office of Children ‘s Rights Commissioner was launched in the same twelvemonth. The proposal is supported strongly by all major kid public assistance and kid protection bureaus, four Royal Colleges of Health, local authorization associations and many professional kids ‘s administrations ( Children ‘s Rights Office, 1997 ) . The constitution of the Children ‘s Rights Office in 1995 and its appellation of a full-time officer to run for a Children ‘s Commissioner gave added weight to the cause. In an effort to travel the run frontward the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation set up an enquiry which consulted widely in the UK and overseas about participatory constructions. Their study ( Hodgkin and Newell, 1996 ) non merely highlighted the modest extent of inter-ministerial and inter-departmental co-ordination of kids ‘s personal businesss and the ad hoc nature of the allotment of some duti es ( an result of there being no lead Department for kids ) , but besides drew attending to a scope of effectual authorities constructions for kids already evident elsewhere 1. The right to state: organizational constructions for kids ‘s engagement and representationa Extra encouragement to the run for better representation for immature people has been provided by New Labour. Their 1992 Manifesto proposed seting in topographic point a Minister for Children ( Lestor, 1995 ) , although this proposition was absent in the 1997 Manifesto. Whilst there are marks that the present authorities is sympathetic to the creative activity of such a station, at present, the official place is that they are in a procedure of audience ( Hewitt, 1998 ) . This deficiency of advancement has prompted other runing administrations to take up the cause. The 2020 Vision Programme is being organised by the Industrial Society as a consequence of a concern that immature people ‘s voices are seldom heard in political, economic and societal arguments. Amongst their purposes is to set in topographic point a Minister for Youth to coordinate policy and action ( Industrial Society, 1997 ) . At the local degree, nevertheless, there are promoting marks that attitudes are altering with respect to the engagement of immature people in decision-making. There are a figure of associated grounds for such a development. First, the impulse given to immature people ‘s rights in general by the UNCRC has been added to by the rules set by Local Agenda 21. Amongst its many declarations for a sustainable hereafter is the position that duologue should be established between the youth community and authorities at all degrees which enables immature people ‘s positions and visions to be incorporated as a affair of class into future environmental policy ( Freeman, 1996 ) . Second, local authorities reorganization has provided a stimulation for young person issues to be addressed in a strategic mode, partially through a demand to show community audience and partially to undertake what is perceived to be ‘the young person job ‘ ( Griffin, 1993 and Wynn and White, 1997 ) . Third, there is the ‘millennium factor ‘ ; as we move towards the bend of the century at that place seems to be an emerging sense that the hereafter is for our kids ( Hackett, 1997 and Storrie, 1997 ) and local decision-making is critical to immature people ‘s wellbeing. As portion of this motion towards giving immature people a say has been the development of young person councils/forums. The term council/forum is used here to depict the scope of ways in which folds of immature people come together, normally, but non entirely, in commission, to voice their positions about their demands and aspirations ( in their societal and physical universes ) . A recent study ( Matthews and Limb, 1998 ) has revealed that there are over 200 young person councils within the UK, although these have developed in different ways. A figure of national administrations have played of import functions in their development, but a effect of their varying attacks is an variability of proviso within the four place states. In England, the National Youth Agency ( NYA ) and the British Youth Council ( BYC ) provide advice and information on petition about young person councils. The Wales Youth Agency ( WYA ) has a similar remit. These are bureaus, which although advocates of immature people ‘s engagement, have limited capacity to back up development. Because of this, the development of young person councils in England and Wales has mostly been a haphazard one. Their signifier and character depending partially on such factors as the human ecology, political makeup and traditions of a vicinity, and partially on bing institutional and organizational cons tructions and magnetic persons. In Scotland developments are more consistent. Here a partnership between the Scottish Community Education Council ( SCEC ) , Youth Link Scotland and the Principal Community Education Officers Group, which followed four old ages of research and audience, gave rise to the ‘Connect Youth ‘ programme, launched in 1995. Targeted at 14-25 twelvemonth olds, this programme seeks to advance effectual engagement of immature people in the decision-making processes which affect their lives and to prosecute immature people in finding their positions on services and the development of chances for enhanced community engagement ( SCEC, 1996 ) . By far the longest history of young person councils in the UK, nevertheless, is within Northern Ireland. In 1979 the Department of Education established the Northern Ireland Youth Forum ( NIYF ) , with a specific brief to promote the development of a web of Local Youth Councils ( LYC ) . The intent of the LYCs was to acquire immature people involved in undertaking local issues and to guarantee that their voices were heard by local District Councils. The NIYF, on the other manus, took on a broader function and attempted to supply a national platform for immature people ‘s issues. Presently being discussed are proposals to acquire youth representatives on each District Council and the formation of a Northern Ireland Youth Parliament.DecisionThe multiple discourse about immature people ‘s engagement and representation generates equivocal docket. For those who feel that immature people are incapable of take parting or who question the rightness of their engagement, the deficiency of chances and inducements for representation within the UK is non deemed to be job. On the other manus, for those who see engagement to be the basis of democracy and inclusive citizenship, the UNCRC has become a rallying point, opening up new ways of believing about immature people ‘s rights. The diver seness of position, nevertheless, between those who see engagement as a ‘craft apprenticeship ‘ and a acquisition scheme ( Storrie, 1997, p. 65 ) and those who consider it to be a truly empowering experience and as a opportunity to redefine the constructions which include immature people, confounds the manner frontward. Yet, there is a turning acknowledgment that within the UK immature people are non given the regard or listened to with the earnestness that they deserve ( Lansdown, 1995 ) . The lie of consecutive authoritiess in non setting-up either an independent Commissioner for Children or a Minister for Children and the deficiency of a consistent national model for young person councils, confirms this position. This is non the instance in many parts of mainland Europe. Here, there is ample grounds of effectual ombudswork, national models for the co-ordination of immature people ‘s personal businesss and good established participatory constructions which operat e at a grass-roots degree. At a broader international graduated table, excessively, there is grounds that the Articles of the UNCRC are making out to integrate turning Numberss of immature people global. We suggest that the UK has much to larn from these experiences and until this happens, immature people will stay mostly unseeable in public-policy devising at all degrees. Finally, in this paper we have attempted to demo that surveies about kids ‘s engagement and representation in society are built-in to the emerging geographics of kids. Not merely do they supply a keener grasp of the historical and cultural relativity of childhood, but they besides add insight into procedures which marginalise and exclude.MentionsAitken, S. , 1994. Puting Children in Their Place. Association of American Geographers, Washington, DC Aitken, S. , 1998. Family Fantasies and Community Space. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick Alanen, L. , 1994. Gender and coevals: feminism and the child inquiry. In: Qvortrup, J. , Bardy, M. , Sgritta, G. , Wintersberger, H. ( Eds. ) , Childhood Matters: Social Theory, Practice and Politics. Avebury Press, Aldershot, pp. 27-42 Archard, D. , 1993. Childs: Rights and Childhood. Routledge, London Rams, P. , 1962. Centuries of Childhood. Jonathan Cape, London Barnardo ‘s, 1996. Young People ‘s Social Attitudes. Barnardo ‘s, London British Youth Council, 1996. Young People, Politics and Voting. British Youth Council, London Bynner, J. and Ashford, S. , 1994. Politicss and engagement. Some ancestors of immature people ‘s attitudes to the political system and political activity. European Journal of Social Psychology 24, pp. 223-236. Castellani. G. , 1997. The Italian experience of kids ‘s councils. Paper presented at the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe, Budapest, October Children ‘s Rights Office, 1997. Personal communicating Corsaro, W. , 1997. The Sociology of Childhood. Pine Forge Press, Thousand Oaks, CA Council of Europe, 1993. The development of an incorporate attack to youth be aftering a local degree. European Steering Committee for Intergovernmental cooperation in the Youth Field, Strasbourg Cox, R. , 1996. Determining Childhood. Themes of Uncertainty in the History of Adult- Child Relationships. Routledge, London de Winter, M. , 1997. Children as Fellow Citizens: Engagement and Commitment. Radcliffe Medical Press, Oxford Ennew, J. , 1995. Outside childhood: street kids ‘s rights. In: Franklin, B. ( Ed. ) , The Handbook of Children ‘s Rights: Comparative Policy and Practice, Routledge, London, pp. 201-215 Flekkoy, M.G. , 1991. A Voice for Children: Talking Out As Their Ombudsman. Jessica Kingsley, London Flekkoy, M.G. , 1995. The Norse experience of kids ‘s rights. In: Franklin, B. ( Ed. ) , A Handbook of Children ‘s Rights. Routledge, London, pp. 176-187 Franklin, A. , Franklin, B. , 1996. Turning strivings: the developing kids ‘s right motion in the UK. In: Pilcher, J. , Wagg, S. ( Eds. ) , Thatcher ‘s Children: Politicss, Childhood and Society in the 1980s and 1990s. Falmer Press, London, pp. 94-113 Franklin, B. ( Ed. ) , 1995. The Handbook of Children ‘s Rights: Comparative Policy and Practice. Routledge, London Freeman, C. , 1996. Local Agenda 21 as a vehicle for promoting kids ‘s engagement in environmental planning. Local Government Policy Making 23, pp. 43-51. Freeman, M. ( Ed. ) , 1996. Children ‘s Rights. Dartmouth, Aldershot Furlong, A. , Cartmel, F. , 1997. Young People and Social Change. Open University Press, Buckingham Furnham, A. , Stacey, B. , 1991. Young People ‘s Understanding of Society. Routledge, London Griffin, C. , 1993. Representations of Youth. Polity Press, Cambridge Hackett, C. , 1997. Young people and political engagement. In: Roche, J. , Tucker, S. ( Eds. ) , Youth and Society. Sage/Open University, London, pp. 81-88 Hart, R. , 1992. Children ‘s Engagement: From Tokenism to Participation. International Child Development Centre/ UNICEF, Florence Hart, R. , 1997. Children ‘s Engagement: The Theory and Practice of Involving Young Citizens in Community Development and Environmental Care. Earthscan/ UNICEF, London Hewitt, P. , 1998. Response to a Question at the Launch of the ESRC Research Programme, Children 5-16: Turning into the twenty-first Century. Church House, Westminster, January Hodgkin, R. , Newell, P. , 1996. Effective Government Structures for Children. Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, London Holt, J. , 1975. Escape from Childhood. Harmondsworth, Penguin Industrial Society, 1997. Talking up, Talking out: the 2020 Vision Programme, Summary Report. The Industrial Society, London James, A. , Prout, A. , 1992. Constructing and Reconstructing Childhood. Falmer Press, London James, A. , Jenks, C. , Prout, A. , 1998. Speculating Childhood. Polity Press, Cambridge James, S. , 1990. Is there a topographic point for kids in geographics. Area 22, pp. 278-283. Position Record in Scopus | Cited By in Scopus ( 33 ) Jodry, C. , 1997. Youth engagement and the function of ANACEJ. Paper presented at the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe, Budapest, October Jones, G. , Wallace, C. , 1992. Young person, Family and Citizenship. Open University Press, Buckingham Lansdown, G. , 1995. Taking Part: Children ‘s Engagement in Decision Making. IPPR, London Lestor, J. , 1995. A curate for kids. In: Franklin, B. ( Ed. ) , A Handbook of Children ‘s Rights. Routledge, London, pp. 100-106 Ludescher, M. , 1997. The Swiss young person parliament motion. Paper presented at the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe, Budapest, October Saint matthews, H. , 1984. Environmental knowledge of immature kids: images of journey to school and place country. Minutess of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series 9, pp. 89-106. Saint matthews, H. , 1987. Gender, place scope and environmental knowledge. Minutess of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series 12, pp. 43-56. Saint matthews, H. , 1992. Making Sense of Topographic point: kids ‘s apprehension of large-scale environments. Harvester Wheatsheaf, Hemel Hempstead Saint matthews, H. , 1995. Populating on the border: kids as foreigners. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 86 5, pp. 456-466. Saint matthews, H. and Limb, M. , 1998. The right to state: the development of young person councils/forums in the UK. Area 30, pp. 66-78. Saint matthews, H. , Limb, M. , in imperativeness. Specifying an docket for the geographics of kids. Advancement in Human Geography Saint matthews, H. , Limb, M. and Percy-Smith, B. , 1998. Changing universes, altering topographic points: the microgeographies of adolescents. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 89 2, pp. 193-202. Ministry of Children and Family Affairs, 1996. The Ombudsman for Children and Childhood in Norway. Norse Official Report, Oslo Oakley, A. , 1994. Womans and kids foremost and last: analogues and differences between kids ‘s and adult females ‘s surveies. In: Mayall, B. ( Ed. ) , Children ‘s Childhoods: Observed and Experienced. The Falmer Press, London, pp. 13-32 Painter, J. and Philo, C. , 1995. Spaces of citizenship: an debut. Political Geography 14, pp. 107-120. Philo, C. , 1992. Neglected rural geographicss. Journal of Rural Studies 8 2, pp. 193-207. Pollock, L. , 1983. Forgotten Children. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Qvortrup, J. , Bardy, M. , Sgritta, G. , Wintersberger, H. ( Eds. ) , 1994. Childhood Matters: Social Theory, Practice and Politics. Avebury Press, Aldershot Rodgers, R. , 1979. A new ombudsman – guardian of kids ‘s rights? . Where? 152, pp. 267-271. Rosenbaum, M. , Newell, P. , 1991. Taking Children Seriously: A Proposal for a Children ‘s Rights Commissioner. Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, London Roy, A. , 1997. Appraisal of the Implementation of the European Charter on the Participation of Young People in Municipal and Regional Life. Council of Europe, Strasbourg Scarre, G. , 1989. Children. Parents and Politics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Scottish Community Education Council, 1996. Connect Young person: a national enterprise to advance greater engagement of immature people. Progress Report, September Sibley, D. , 1991. Children ‘s geographicss: some jobs of representation. Area 23, pp. 269-270. Sibley, D. , 1995. Families and domestic modus operandis: building the boundaries of childhood. In: Pile, S. , Thrift, N. ( Eds. ) , Maping the Subject: Geographies of Cultural Transformation. Routledge, London, pp. 123-137 Skelton, T. , Valentine, G. ( Eds. ) , 1997. Cool Topographic points: Geographies of Youth Cultures. Routledge, London Sommerville, J. , 1982. The Rise and Fall of Childhood. Sage, London Spanish Youth Council, 1997. hypertext transfer protocol: //www.childhub.ch/webpub/crhome/crin_eu/cje.htm Sir leslie stephens, S. , 1995. Children and the political relations of civilization in ‘late capitalist economy ‘ . In: Sir leslie stephens, S. ( Ed. ) , Children and the Politicss of Culture. Princeton University Press, New Jersey, pp. 38-55 Storrie, T. , 1997. Citizens or what? In: Roche, J. , Tucker, S. ( Eds. ) , Youth and Society. Sage/Open University, London, pp. 59-67 United Nations, 1995. Reasoning Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, CRC/C/15/Add.34 Urban Childhood Conference, 1997. University of Trondheim, Norway, June Valentine, G. , 1996. Angels and Satans: moral landscapes of childhood. Environment and Planning D 14, pp. 581-599. Position Record in Scopus | Cited By in Scopus ( 100 ) Valentine, G. , 1996. Children should be seen and non heard: the production and evildoing of grownups ‘ public infinite. Urban Geography 17 3, pp. 205-220. Position Record in Scopus | Cited By in Scopus ( 115 ) Valentine, G. , 1997. ‘My boy ‘s a spot giddy ‘ . ‘My married woman ‘s a spot soft ‘ : gender, kids and civilizations of rearing. Gender, Place and Culture 4 1, pp. 37-62. Full Text via CrossRef | View Record in Scopus | Cited By in Scopus ( 62 ) Valentine, G. , 1997. ‘Oh yes I can ‘ . ‘Oh no you ca n't ‘ . Children and parent ‘s apprehensions of childs ‘ competency to negociate public infinite safely. Antipode 29 1, pp. 65-89. Position Record in Scopus | Cited By in Scopus ( 104 ) Varzegi, Z. , 1997. The Federation of Youth and Children ‘s Councils, Hungary. Paper presented at the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe, Budapest, October Wilkinson, H. , Mulgan, G. , 1995. Freedom ‘s Children. Demos, London Winchester, H. , 1991. The geographics of kids. Area 23, 357-360 Wynn, J. , White, R. , 1997. Rethinking Youth. Sage, London

Oil And Gas Industry Overview - 2012 Words

Industry Analysis Oil Gas Industry Overview What is the oil industry? The oil industry, made up of both oil and gas is also known as the energy industry. On a personal level, â€Å"oil and gas provides the world s 7 billion people with 60 percent of their daily energy needs. The other 40 percent comes from coal, nuclear and hydroelectric power, solar and tidal power, and biomass products such as firewood (Petroleum Online, 2014).† â€Å"As fuels, they keep us warm in cold weather and cool in hot weather; they cook our food and heat our water; they generate our electricity and power our appliances; and they take us by car, bus, train, ship or plane to places near and distant (Petroleum Online, 2014).† There are many phases of the oil industry. One way of segmenting the industry is by looking at it as upstream and downstream. Upstream phases include oil extrapolation and refining services. Downstream events include the buying and selling of oil and gas at the retail level. This coul d mean gas stations or even electricity from which natural gas has been used. Each of these phases combined makes up a huge industry in which large profits are made. (Industry Handbook, Oil Services, 2014) Let’s break these phases down into groups that are easier to understand. Upstream events include oil drilling, oilfield services, and refining. â€Å"Drilling companies physically drill and pump oil out of the ground. The drilling industry has always been classified as highly skilled. TheShow MoreRelatedThe Canadian Oil Industrys Impact On Canada1477 Words   |  6 PagesCanadian Oil Industry’s Impact on Canada The Overview: Diverse and multi-faceted, the Canadian business market is one of the strongest functioning mixed market economies in the world. Within the Canadian economy, the oil and gas sector stands as one of the largest and most influential sectors. 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